In ways which paralleled the impact of the Easter Rising, the deaths of the hunger strikers were a watershed in the most recent phase of political struggle to achieve Irish national democracy and reunification.

The hunger strike of 1981 inspired new generations of political activists to join the IRA, and also Sinn Féin, which was emerging as a majorl party in modern Ireland.

Today Sinn Féin’s long-term strategic project is to build an Ireland of Equals, a socialist Republic, in which all citizens are treated with equality, dignity and fairness.

However, the prerequisite to achieving the ultimate republican aim of an Ireland of Equals is to secure national independence and territorial reunification in a representative democracy, as well as a process of reconciliation and healing to address the legacy of British policy in Ireland, and of political conflict cast a long shadow over the present.

The partition of Ireland remains the key contradiction at the heart of Irish politics and society. It polarises and perpetuates societal and communal divisions; and holds back the potential for progressive social change.

Partition entrenches the hegemony of conservative forces in the southern and northern states, and facilitates the continued undemocratic influence of the British state in Irish affairs.

The existence of the northern state remains contested due to the British state’s jurisdiction and the resulting violations of Irish national democracy.

One key element central to the successful emergence of the Peace process was the positive strategic role of international influence.

As a result, today the Irish peace and political processes are the most important project in Ireland.

Both are very much a work in progress.

An entirely new political context was created based upon the sharing of political power through bespoke regional government institutions in the north of Ireland between unionists and republicans under the auspices of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signed in 1998.

Its significance was in recognising that the status quo was not an option and that shaping the future would depend upon the management of change through democratic compromise and agreement.

The sovereignty of the British Parliament over national territorial reunification was removed. In future this would be determined in border polls, Irish unity referenda north and south, and requiring a pro-unity majority in both states.

Nothing could or would remain the same.

From the beginning, political unionism failed to unconditionally support this framework. Significant sections of that constituency have remained deeply hostile to power-sharing and partnership government as a condition of the GFA, with republicans and nationalists – particularly Sinn Féin – ever since.

The effect of entrenched negative resistance to change, has been to slow down and frustrate the democratic transformation of the north which began with the peace process.

Importantly, this has been exacerbated by the failure of both the British and Irish governments to fulfil all of their obligations under the terms of the GFA, and other agreements, arising from successive periods of negotiations.

So, whilst fundamental political social change became irreversible and the war was ended, the absence of consistent positive momentum, and existence of negative resistance to change, also kept both the peace and political processes permanently fragile.

During this period British government policy has damaged the political process in the north.

The same powerful sections of the British security and military establishment which directed Britain’s ‘dirty war’ in Ireland still exert a huge influence over British state policy. They do not want progress.

Those who were always hostile to the Peace process within the British Ministry of Defence and security services in Whitehall are still politically and psychologically at war with the Sinn Féin party leadership.

The strategic lesson from the last six years in the north is that the Irish Peace process cannot be taken for granted. The British and Irish Governments must fulfil their responsibilities towards both the peace and political processes, and on a fair and even-handed basis, to avoid the development of serious political problems.

The British Government has failed to recognise the special economic and social circumstances of the north. It has continued to deny fiscal independence to the regional political institutions and refused to end its negative economic austerity policies.

It has refused to acknowledge its own role in the political conflict in Ireland and accept responsibility for helping to deal with the past.

These factors are all impediments to the full development of the peace process and political processes.
British Government political and economic policy towards the north must change to allow for sustainable political progress.

In recent years there has been unprecedented upheaval in Irish politics, north and south. The inability of the main conservative party, Fine Gael, in the south of Ireland to form a viable administration for over sixty days after the last general election demonstrates the fragmentation and realignment of the political system.

It is too premature to say whether the ongoing flux represents a permanent political realignment, but the status quo has shifted across the island, and the potential exists for more change to occur.

This context stems from the geo political and economic fallout from the international financial crisis of 2008 and the ideological and political flux that has found expression in Irish society and throughout across Western Europe and the Americas.

Stark ideological differences exist over how Irish society should organise itself.

There is a growing polarisation between the interests of citizens’ rights and community, and those of international banks and capital.

The austerity policies implemented by the southern state caused by the terms of the Troika ‘bailout’ deal, and the austerity measures imposed upon the northern regional government due to the reduction of its public expenditure settlement by the British conservative government, has caused an austerity crisis and great economic hardship north and south.

Austerity is not about economic recovery. It is entirely about ideology, political control, and entrenching conservative hegemony. That is why it is synonymous in the northern hemisphere with political authoritarianism, expanded deregulation and rolling back the state.

It is an inherently anti-democratic agenda.

These are the reasons it has been a pervasive influence in the European Union. And that is why the EU played such a vindictive role against the Greek government in 2015.

Within the Irish context Sinn Féin has been the engine of political and social realignment in Ireland, and the main force of opposition to austerity, north and south.

As a proud internationalist Party we locate our aim of an Ireland of Equals within the vision of a Europe of Equals.

In June of this year the referendum on Britain’s membership of the EU, dramatically changed the political and economic landscape once more for Ireland.

The majority of voters in the north of Ireland and across the political spectrum, (and also in Scotland) voted to remain in Europe. Despite that outcome the expressed democratic will of the north is now being overruled and subverted by a vote in England.

That is unacceptable to Sinn Féin and the greater majority of opinion in the north and south of Ireland.

In reality this referendum was always about a civil war between British conservative right wing factions, fuelled by xenophobia.

While Sinn Féin has a critical analysis of the EU, we believe the required reforms can only be made within its structures. In that strategic sense Ireland is better within, rather than outside the EU.

The economic and financial future of citizens in the north has become one of enormous uncertainty.

There are many repercussions for the all-island economy. 200,000 jobs in Ireland depend directly and indirectly upon hundreds of millions of Euros of trade between north and south each week.

Between 2014 and 2020 €3.5 billion in EU funds and investment has been allocated for the north.

An estimated 10% of GDP in the north’s regional economy is dependent on our place in the EU.

Brexit threatens all that and more.

Brexit is the price of Ireland’s continued partition. 

The political imperative for the north’s political institutions must be to stand up for local democracy and against austerity.

The regional coalition government and parliament must respect and underpin the democratic decision of voters in the north.

The Irish Government should convene an All Ireland forum representative of political parties and civic society on the island to agree and bring forward concrete proposals to secure the north of Ireland’s place in the EU.

It is unacceptable that the north of Ireland should be removed from the EU while the rest of Ireland remains.

Brexit has once more brought into sharp focus the contradiction of partition at the heart of Irish politics. This directly challenges democracy and Irish national interests.

However, it has also begun an equally unprecedented political and civic discussion in Ireland about the future.

A huge re-evaluation has been provoked about the economic and political future of the north; the relationship with the British state; and the damage caused by the south of Ireland remaining in the EU, while the north is removed.

An inherent danger exists for all these uncertainties to create new political instability for the Peace process. Sinn Féin will work strategically and politically with others to prevent that happening.

We believe that these new challenges need to be converted into a positive, national conversation about how the constitutional, political and economic future of the island can be reimagined and redesigned.

A real potential has emerged to enable a new popular and inclusive conversation in Ireland about our shared future; how relationships can be developed for the greater good; new constitutional arrangements on the island, and a new relationship between Ireland and Britain; as well as a new, confident outward looking relationship between the island of Ireland, Europe itself, and the international community.

Irelands future, north and south, should be allowed to evolve in the context of new progressive, democratic international relationships based upon social solidarity and mutual democratic cooperation.

Brexit has changed everything and challenges all of the old assumptions about the previous constitutional, political and economic status quo in the north and south of Ireland.

In the fast changing European and global context, the Brexit decision exposes the contradiction of partition, and stupidity of one part of Ireland being in the EU, and another part of the island being kept outside that political and economic framework.

Sinn Féin believes this context represents a strategic opportunity to maximise the democratic argument for an end to Ireland’s partition, and to persuade for Irish unity, both domestically and internationally.

The Peace process was facilitated and supported by international good will, support and diplomacy. The international community still has an essential role to play once more in continuing to consolidate the Peace process and encouraging reconciliation and healing.

However, a new phase of political change has arrived and the significant strategic political influence of the international community should now assist with planning for the transition towards a new agreed, united Ireland.

It is time to end the division of Ireland and prepare the transition to Irish unity. A positive, international axis to encourage, persuade for, and support that aim is now required.